И вновь страна гор и .... пыли

Афганистан притягивает всякого, кто там побывал однажды. Почему-то вновь и вновь перелистываешь в памяти страницы той жизни из 80-х, когда мы молодыми покоряли эту страну. Порой вспоминаешь друзей и врагов, с которыми свела та война. Это наше общее прошлое, которое нельзя забыть и вычеркнуть из истории. В эти декабрьские дни нам вновь удалось побывать в Афганистане. На этот раз целенаправленно для съемок очередного фильма о той войне. Сейчас Кабул сосем не тот, что был в те советские времена. По улицам ходят сосем не просоветские люди. На бронемашинах проносятся военные НАТО. Символично, что в здании бывшего Клупе Аскари (Дома офицеров армии ДРА) расквартирован штаб коалиционных сил западных стран. Естественно, в Кабуле есть и наш брат. С некоторыми из них нам удалось повстречаться. Смотрите фото, снятые в Кабуле. Возможно они напомнят нашим читателям знакомые места.


Сильные материалы к фильму (поразительная правдивость)

Неангажированные оценки западных специалистов ситуации в Афганистане:

Pentagon Lies and Afghan Civilian Deaths: The Unspoken Truth

by Prof. Marc W. Herold


Introduction: November 30, 2001 in Afghanistan
Let me begin with the unreported news from the ground in Afghanistan exactly nine years ago, that is on November 30, 2001.
The relentless U.S aerial bombing and strafing of the Kandahar area in late November and early December 2001 led to dozens, if not hundreds, of innocent civilians dying. People fled in every type of vehicle - trucks, minibuses, taxis, cars, tractors with trailers, etc. U.S. aircraft were hitting vehicles which dared to leave Kandahar. One resident of Kandahar said on Saturday, December 1st,
“It’s just like Armageddon. The people are in a terrible situation whether they stay or go.”
Another man, Khalil Ahmed added,
“In the last 24 hours, barely five minutes have gone by without a bomb dropping.”
The United Nations estimated that 2,000 people a day were fleeing Kandahar towards Pakistan. Ansar Burney, head of the Pakistani welfare trust of the same name, described seeing hundreds of disheveled, frightened, dazed families fleeing towards the border. Mr. Burney said,
“Some people were too weak to walk and just stopped. Whole families were walking together, just carrying a few belongings. The children were crying. Everybody was hungry and thirsty. I have never seen anything like it.”
At the border camp in Chaman, veiled women squatted in the sand, waiting for medical treatment. Each had her own story of misery to relate: “Zabulnar, clutching her sick six-month-old daughter Zara, lost her grandfather and a cousin when a bomb hit their house in Kandahar city at night. A 35-year-old woman lost her husband and 18-year-old son five days ago…‘I went out of the house and then heard this enormous sound…then part of it was not there. My husband and son were just gone…there were some Taliban around the village but not so close. I don’t know why the Americans bombed us.’”
Fatima’s home was hit about midnight, killing her two sons instantly. She too fled to Chaman with her 6 grandchildren.
Refugees trying to escape the relentless U.S bombing of Kandahar sought to flee on tractors and became victims as American war planes bombed the moving tractors. Hamdullah who arrived in Chaman on Tuesday said, “Yesterday I saw two tractors towing trailers which were lying on their side. They both had been carrying families or refugees who were trying to get away from the city. There were no survivors.
The nameless victims died on a road just outside Kandahar.
A father brought his son to the Chaman hospital, wounded by shrapnel, after a U.S bomb had fallen at daybreak next to his 13 year-old son working in a field.
The families of Noor Mohammed, 57, and Abdul Ghafur had fled the tiny farming hamlet of Mohammed Khan Kalatcha, about 12 miles southwest of Kandahar, comprising six adobe houses and 116 inhabitants. The village had begun being bombed at 10 p.m. on November 30th with bombs falling on the vineyards and pomegranate trees. The following morning, the villagers saw fifty yellow BLU-97 cluster bomblets. The two families decided to flee and boarded the tractor and trailer at 7 a.m. At about 9 a.m. it was rumbling over a bumpy road in the middle of a flat, desolate expanse of barren desert. It was clear and sunny. A U.S plane appeared and flew over at a high altitude, then dipped lower, dropped a bomb which landed 15 feet from the tractor, circled again, and obviously fired a missile. The huge explosion killed 8 civilians instantly. A survivor recounts,
"I didn't realize what had happened. My mother's head was cut off. It was like a slaughter. My sister was killed and the trailer was full of blood."
Reporting for Canadian Press, Stephen Thorne wrote about the U.S. attack,
"it was the 15th day of Ramadan....when American aircraft rained seeds of despair on this tiny agricultural village south of Kandahar. They came at night like dandelion seeds blowing in the wind, yellow cluster bombs about the size of pop cans drifting down beneath little parachutes onto the clay buildings, the fields surrounding them, the orchards beside them. The villagers ran from their homes, but the high clay walls that keep out the dry desert winds couldn't stop the blasts, intended for a Taliban compound about half a kilometer up a narrow dirt road in an area speckled with destroyed tanks and equipment." Noor Mohammed lost five family members (his wife, 2 sons, 2 daughters) and Abdul Ghafur lost his wife, brother and sister, when a U.S warplane attacked their tractor convoy with 20 people aboard near Haji Mohammed Khan Kalatcha village, south of Kandahar near the airport.”
Gul Ahmed, resident of Kandahar, saw trucks full of food which had been hit by U.S warplanes on the road between Spin Boldak and Kandahar,
“They attacked six loading trucks carrying wheat flower. I saw all the flour bags were burned as were the vehicles.”
Another victim said he had seen the wreckage of five vehicles on that road – two minibuses, one car and two trucks. Aminullah said his son Saifullah had been working in the fields on the outskirts of Kandahar at daybreak, when a large U.S. bomb exploded next to him. U.S. shrapnel sliced both of Saifullah’s legs.

The following tombstones come from my Afghan Victim Memorial Project: FOTO

And what did the mainstream U.S press at the time report about these civilian victims of U.S. “precision” air strikes? Absolutely nothing. All the newsprint in America was devoted to the alleged “precision bombing” and the advancing armies of the Northern Alliance (our new-found purchased allies).

According to my body count, 8,022-10,283 innocent Afghan civilians had killed by only US/NATO direct fire during the period October 7, 2001 – December 31, 2009 (the typical ratio of injured to killed civilians is ~1.5). That is, about three Afghan civilians were killed every day since October 7, 2001 by foreign occupation forces. The horror, anger and urge for revenge felt across Afghanistan are in response to this slaughter of innocent Afghans by the United States and to a lesser extent NATO.

Has the slaughter changed when U.S presidents or generals in Afghanistan came and went? A comparison of three Octobers emphatically says, no:

Language is selectively employed to construct the Obama, Pentagon, mainstream media war narrative. Almost every wire service report by the Associated Press includes “…the Taliban regularly exaggerate casualties caused by their attacks.

” A festival of Orwellian language is deployed by the Pentagon and Commander-in-Chief Obama. Obama was described as engaging in Operation Redefinition (by Jon Stewart on March 31, 2009).

Obama simply redefines the old Bush policies and tactics in Afghanistan which largely remain in place, in his Operation Redefinition.

On December 3, 2010, redefinition was upped another notch by Obama who snuck into Afghanistan for a four-hour secret visit at the U.S. base, Bagram, where clad in a bomber jacket he proclaimed the U.S. was winning the war, amidst overwhelming contrary evidence. Losing is winning and U.S. troops in Afghanistan are in ObamaSpeak “wagers of peace.”

The war narrative regularly employs such phrases as “Taliban infested area” (why not rewrite as “foreign occupation force infested area”?).

The use of the word “terrorist” for a military opponent is systematic, as is use of the adjective “peacekeeping” or far worse Obama’s “wagers of peace” instead of occupation forces.

Combat troop increases are now labeled under Pentagon-Speak as “combat enablers.”

When a US/NATO helicopter is shot down the narrative is a helicopter made a “hard landing”, instead of being shot down. Media spokespersons from the opposing warring side are identified differently: a Taliban “mouthpiece” versus a “NATO spokesman.”

The persons fighting the foreign invaders are “terrorists” not resistance fighters though of course in 1980’s the Afghans fighting the Russian invader were called “freedom fighters.”

The usual western mantra is “The Taliban often exaggerates the details of attacks and play down the numbers of their own casualties.” But let’s rewrite the above substituting Americans/NATO for Taliban.

Another standard mantra is the “Insurgents continue their indiscriminate killing and wounding of innocent civilians despite their leaderships guidance,” said U.S. Army Col. Rafael Torres, International Security Assistance Force Joint Command Combined Joint Operations Center director. “Our thoughts and concerns are with the families during this difficult time.”

As Afghan civilian deaths rose, the U.S/NATO says, “…Sorry.”

Conclusion: The Politics of What Matters and Where

William Dalrymple argues the comparison of Afghanistan today is less with Vietnam and more with Great Britain’s Great Game of 1839-42. In the end, the main determinant of the course of America’s Afghan war will be bodies.

The increasing number of Afghan bodies matters and fuels the resistance, resulting in what Anatol Lieven of King’s College (London) aptly observed,
Afghanistan “is becoming a sort of surreal hunting estate, in which the U.S. and NATO breed the very terrorists they then track down.”

The American public (except for the old left, the Unitarians and Quakers, a couple other progressive churches, folks at the Brave New Foundation, RAWA’s American supporters, and many on the libertarian Right) does not (and has never) care(d) about civilians killed by US military. But for liberals, Obama can do no wrong. They only care about U.S troop deaths. G.W Bush knew this early on – see his banning of photos of dead U.S. military personnel at Dover Air Base. Official U.S military bodies (killed or injured) matter strongly in the United States. Afghan bodies count for nothing with the American public. Every effort will be undertaken by Obama/Pentagon to minimize US domestic political opposition to foreign war-making. This began in the post-Vietnam era with the shift from a drafted army to one relying upon professional “volunteers,” a narrow sliver of the country’s population. In recent mid-term elections in the United States, only 6.5% of voters mentioned the Afghan war as being of concern.

It’s all about controlling the US war narrative, something very different from the truth.
A first successful ploy was to entice the NATO countries into fighting in Afghanistan in 2004. The count of war dead by nationality shows that NATO stalwarts like Britain, Canada and Holland did a disproportionate amount of the heavy lifting. Some NATO countries understood the ploy and limited their contribution to non-fighting areas at the time, e.g., Germany and Spain. But as the war grinded on and NATO country publics turned decidedly against it, Bush first and Obama later sought creative new ways to minimize officially acknowledged U.S. military casualties. Such measures included: massive reliance upon private contractors (privatizing American war-making) and assorted Rambos (de facto mercenaries); ramping up the use Green Card soldiers; and begging for troops from other nations. The use of contractors is especially convenient as these are not reported as U.S. military casualties.

Most twentieth century counterinsurgency wars have failed (the two exceptions being the Americans in the Philippines and the British in Malaya). The resistance wins because it knows the home territory and the invader cannot overcome the “foreign invader” label. History carries some potent lessons.

General Sergei Akhromeyev, commander of the Soviet armed forces, address(ed) the Soviet Politburo in 1986.
"There is no piece of land in Afghanistan that has not been occupied by one of our soldiers at some time or another. Nevertheless much of the territory stays in the hands of the terrorists. We control the provincial centres, but we cannot maintain political control over the territory we seize."… General Akhromeyev demanded extra troops – or the war in Afghanistan would continue "for a very, very long time". And how's this for a quotation from, say, a British or US commander in Helmand today? "Our soldiers are not to blame. They've fought incredibly bravely in adverse conditions.
But to occupy towns and villages temporarily has little value in such a vast land where the insurgents can just disappear into the hills." Yes, of course, this was Gen Akhromeyev in 1986.

All the while Al Qaeda laughs as 9/11 was primarily about weakening the U.S economy, that is, hastening America’s imperial overstretch.

Recall Ernesto Che Guevara who close to a half century ago pushed for “One, Two, Three, Many Vietnams.” Abu Mus’ab wrote,

“No reasonable person can deny the United States’ military, economic and technological power… [However, both the U.S.’s] technological research and its military forces depend on the economy. [Consequently], the destruction of its economy will cause the U.S. to disintegrate, collapse, and disappear, just like the Soviet Union.”

A ten year Afghan quagmire serves that end.

The American war in Afghanistan will end after NATO country militaries withdraw.

This process began with the Dutch in 2010, the Canadians in 2011 and will accelerate in 2011.
No amount of Croatian, Mongolian, Georgian and other such troops can replace the old NATO contingents.
In the end bodies tell the story, America’s lost war in Afghanistan will cease, cut by the scissors of Afghan bodies and mounting U.S. military bodies.

майор запаса аватар

Наших в Кабуле все больше.

Наших в Кабуле все больше.

rusloc аватар

Поразительная ... нормальность городской жизни

Многие кадры, как этот, например, поражают спокойствием и обыденностью афганского быта. На экранах американских телевизоров совсем другая картина, атмосфера... С нетерпением жду твоего фильма. Видео-репортаж все-таки не одно и тоже с фото-репортажем.

Противоречивые оценки разведсообщества США

Ждем фильма!
Действительно, как говорится, лучше один раз посмотреть фильм Ев гения, чем сто раз услышать совершенно противоречивые оценки из ненадежных источников.
Читаешь, и даже не знаешь, кому верить! Все врут!

Вот, например, материал из Северной Америки:
US spy agencies paint grim picture of Afghan war
by Bill Van Auken - December 16, 2010
Два доклада американских спецслужб резко противоречат радужным заявлениям американских военных о достигнутом, якобы, успехе в войне, которая тянется в Афганистане вот уже 9 лет.
Оценки Национальной разведки США в отношении Афганистана и Пакистана недавно были в секретном порядке представлены членам комитетов по вопросам разведки Конгресса США.
Эти два доклада представляют собой итоговый труд, выполненный на базе оценок, полученных от всех 16 спецслужб, входящих в американское разведсообщество, включая ЦРУ, Агентство национальной безопасности, Госдеп и различные органы военной разведки США.
В преддверии официальной презентации администрацией Барака Обамы нового обзора политики США в Афганистане и Пакистане, разведоценки американских спецслужб находятся в резком противоречии с сервильными оценками американских военных чиновников, которыми ситуация в Афганистане услужливо преподносится исключительно в розовых тонах...
И далее по тексту ссылки:

Кому верить?